Osan stabbing victim now conscious

Osan bar stabbing victim now conscious

By Franklin Fisher and Hwang Hae-rym, Stars and Stripes
Pacific edition, Wednesday, March 11, 2009

PYEONGTAEK, South Korea – The bar worker stabbed multiple time Friday allegedly by a jealous U.S. soldier remained on life support Monday but had regained consciousness, authorities said.

Two men who were injured when they rushed to her aid also remained hospitalized Monday, one with leg wounds, the other with facial injuries.

The incident occurred after midnight on Friday morning in the Shinjang Mall bar and entertainment district just outside Osan Air Base in the Songtan section of Pyeongtaek.

The soldier is being held at the Eighth U.S. Army Confinement Facility at Camp Humphreys, the Army said Monday. Part of his finger was cut off during the incident, police said.

No charges had been filed as of Monday, said 2nd Infantry Division spokesman Maj. Vincent Mitchell. The soldier is a 37-year-old specialist assigned as a supply clerk with 3rd Battalion, 2nd Aviation Regiment General Support Aviation Battalion, part of

the division’s 2nd Combat Aviation Brigade, Mitchell said.

Police said the soldier harbored a romantic interest in the woman but that she was not interested in him.

He allegedly became jealous after seeing her drinking with another man in a club where the soldier was a frequent customer, police said.

When she left to go home, he allegedly attacked her, stabbing her repeatedly, according to police.

Two men who heard her screams rushed over and were injured in an ensuing scuffle, police said.

The woman, 27, from the Philippines, suffered multiple knife wounds that injured several internal organs, including a lung, authorities said.

A surgeon who operated on the woman had said Friday that it was uncertain whether she would survive. But on Monday, authorities said she was not only conscious but her condition had stabilized somewhat.

Police said Monday that it could be at least 20 days before she’ll be in condition for them to question her.

“Her treatment takes priority over the investigation,” a police official said.

They plan to question the soldier later this week, police said.

Mitchell said it has yet to be determined whether South Korean authorities will choose to prosecute the soldier or allow the U.S. military to handle the case.

One of the men who ran to help her said Monday that the soldier stabbed him three times in his left leg. Lee Taek-woon, 27, a Brazilian citizen of Korean ethnicity, is receiving treatment at Mediwell Hospital in Pyeongtaek.

He said he also suffered nerve damage. His wounds required numerous stitches, his leg is in a cast, and he’ll need about two months of medical treatment, he said in an interview Monday with Stars and Stripes.

The other man who went to the woman’s aid, South Korean air force Capt. Cho Jae-hwi, suffered facial injuries. He was transported from Mediwell Hospital to a hospital in Seoul for further treatment.

Lee said he, Cho and other friends had dined at a restaurant in the Shinjang Mall and were outside smoking cigarettes when they heard screaming.

About 30 to 40 yards away they saw what appeared to be a man beating a woman with his fists, Lee said.

“We dashed over to help the woman,” said Lee, who said he works as a part-time bartender in a Shinjang Mall club that caters to U.S. servicemembers. “All I had in mind was to try to subdue him so that he couldn’t attack her any longer. But I had no idea he had a knife.”

Lee and Cho say they struggled with the soldier and held him to the ground.

“I still didn’t know that I was stabbed with the knife,” said Lee. “I didn’t feel the pain at that moment.”

Meanwhile, said Lee, two Korean passers-by asked others to call for police and an ambulance.

“And then I lost consciousness due to too much bleeding,” Lee said.

He said he doesn’t take an unfavorable view of all U.S. servicemembers.

“They are usually friendly,” he said. “I’ve enjoyed good chats with them.”

U.S. soldier stabs woman, two others Osan Air Base

U.S. soldier held after knife attack near Osan

By Franklin Fisher and Hwang Hae-rym, Stars and Stripes
Pacific edition, Sunday, March 8, 2009

PYEONGTAEK, South Korea – A U.S. soldier was in custody Friday after allegedly stabbing a female bartender near Osan Air Base in a fit of jealousy, authorities said.

The woman, 27, was reported in critical condition and on life support Friday with multiple knife wounds. Police said she’s from the Philippines and worked in the Shinjang Mall entertainment district just outside the base.

“I can say she is going through a very critical moment right now,” said surgeon Ahn Sang-ik, who operated on the woman at Osan Hankook Hospital. “It is too early to tell whether she will be OK.”

Two others – men who heard the woman’s screams and rushed to her aid – also were injured when trying to subdue the soldier.

Both remained hospitalized after surgery, but their injuries were not life-threatening, authorities said.

One was a South Korean air force captain, the other a civilian.

Part of the American soldier’s finger was cut off in the scuffle with the men, police said.

The incident occurred shortly after midnight Friday morning in the Songtan section of Pyeongtaek. Police would not disclose the name of the club.

The soldier had a romantic interest in the woman, but she was not interested in him, police said.

He became upset when he saw her drinking with another man at the bar, where he was a regular customer, police said. She was heading home from work when he allegedly attacked her, stabbing her repeatedly.

The woman suffered wounds to several internal organs, Ahn said, and one lung was severely injured and hemorrhaging.

The soldier was treated at the same hospital then turned over to the U.S. military.

The two men who tried to aid the woman were treated for injuries at Mediwell Hospital in Pyeongtaek.

The South Korean air force captain, 36, was treated for facial injuries. Authorities identified him by his last name Cho.

The other man, 27, was treated for leg injuries. Authorities said his last name was Lee.

“Everyone was injured either critically or seriously enough,” said a police official. “As for the Philippines woman, we should wait and see, hoping for the best.”

The Army’s 2nd Infantry Division issued a news release Friday, quoting division commander Maj. Gen. John W. Morgan III as saying the Army will work closely with the Korean authorities on the case.

The Army had not released the name of the accused soldier as of Friday evening.

At Osan Air Base, 51st Fighter Wing commander Col. Thomas H. Deale had not placed any bars off limits or changed curfew hours as a result of the incident, said wing spokeswoman 1st Lt. Malinda C. Singleton.

“However,” she said, “we are continuing to monitor the information as it comes in, and he will take the appropriate action as he deems necessary.”

Ex-Army Officer charged in theft of $400K

Wednesday, March 11, 2009

Man charged in theft of Army cash

Former captain pleads not guilty to stealing $400,000 during 2005

By Jim Dooley
Advertiser Staff Writer

A former U.S. Army captain stationed at Schofield Barracks has been indicted on charges of stealing some $400,000 in Army money while serving in Afghanistan in 2005.

David Silivano Gilliam, 39, was on deployment as a disbursement officer for Alpha Detachment, 125th Finance Battalion, in April 2005 when he “bulk smuggled” Army cash from Kandahar Air Base to Hawai’i, according to the six-count indictment.

Gilliam, who is no longer in the Army, appeared in federal district court in Honolulu yesterday and entered a not-guilty plea to the charges against him, which include theft, smuggling, foreign and interstate transportation of stolen money, money laundering and making false statements to the Internal Revenue Service.

Gilliam surrendered to federal authorities last month in South Carolina and voluntarily returned to Hawai’i to face the charges against him, according to the prosecutor, Assistant U.S. Attorney Clare Connors.

He posted a $5,000 bond before Magistrate Barry Kurren and was released pending trial.

According to the indictment, Gilliam used some of the stolen cash to buy a $254,000 cashier’s check from First Hawaiian Bank on May 10, 2005.

He allegedly told an IRS agent that the cash came from “a dating service he had operated while stationed at Fort Clay, Panama,” when in fact “the funds had come from his theft of United States currency,” the indictment said.

The U.S. attorney’s office said Gilliam smuggled the funds from Afghanistan to Hawai’i, where he used the stolen money “to engage in a number of financial transactions.”

Gilliam moved to South Carolina, taking the money with him, and continued to spend the proceeds, according to federal authorities. Army officials in Hawai’i referred questions to the U.S. attorney’s office.

Trial is set for May 12. If found guilty, Gilliam faces a maximum sentence of 10 years in prison on the theft, transportation of stolen funds and money laundering charges, and a maximum of five years for the “bulk smuggling” and false statement charges, officials said.

Reach Jim Dooley at jdooley@honoluluadvertiser.com.

Source: http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20090311/NEWS20/903110381/1001

Katharine Moon: Military Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia

Japan Focus

Military Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia

Katharine H.S. Moon

Where there are soldiers, there are women who exist for them. This is practically a cliché. History is filled with examples of women as war booty and “camp followers,” their bodies being used for service labor of various kinds, including sex. Contrary to common assumptions in the West, prostitution is not “part of Asian culture.” Just about every culture under the sun has some version of it during times of war and times of peace.

In some ways, military prostitution (prostitution catering to, and sometimes organized by, the military) has been so commonplace that people rarely stop to think about how and why it is created, sustained, and incorporated into military life and warfare. Academic interest and analysis of this issue gained momentum only in the last twenty years and still remains scant and sporadic. Even as interest in women and gender as categories of analysis has increased in many academic disciplines, there is still a question of intellectual “legitimacy,” that is, whether prostitutes, prostitution, and sex work warrant “serious” scholarly attention and resources, especially for students of international politics. After all, it is a highly “personal” and therefore “subjective” matter and prone toward the proverbial “he said/she said” contestation. To boot, many have turned the feminist emphasis on women and agency on its head by glibly claiming that most military prostitutes sought out the work and life of their own free will and therefore are exercising their agency. In this view, it is primarily about women’s personal decisions and responsibility to face the consequences; governments and other institutions of society need not be held accountable.

For decades, key leaders of Asian women’s movements such as Takazato Suzuyo of Okinawa and Matsui Yayori, the well-known Japanese journalist and feminist activist, Aida Santos and women’s organizations like GABRIELA of the Philippines have argued to the contrary. They documented and insisted that U.S. military prostitution in Okinawa/Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines involve a complex “system” of central and local government policies, political repression, economic inequalities and oppression of the underclass, police corruption, debt bondage of women by bar owners, in addition to pervasive sexist norms and attitudes in both the U.S. military and the respective Asian society. In the 1970s and 1980s, when Asian feminists raised these connections, they tended to fault patriarchal and sexist values together with power inequalities emanating from them and the economic and political disparities among nations.

Such individuals and organizations also emphasized the compromised sovereignty of their own governments in relationship with the more powerful U.S. government and military, resulting in the compromised rights and dignity of the Korean, Okinawan, Filipina and other women who “serviced” American military (male) personnel. Aida Santos, a long-time activist opposing U.S. military bases in the Philippines (and later the Visiting Forces Agreement) wrote in the early 1990s that in the Philippines, “[r]acism and sexism are now seen as a fulcrum in the issue of national sovereignty.”[1] Such activists made the case that the personal is indeed political and international. [2] “Olongapo Rose,” a 1988 documentary film by the British Broadcasting Corporation about U.S. military prostitution in the Philippines graphically depicts the various political, economic, cultural, and racial “systems” at work.

Even under authoritarian rule in the 1970s, Filipinas did not hesitate to speak up and campaign nationally and internationally against the Philippines authorities and the U.S. military for abetting and condoning the physical, sexual, and economic exploitation and violence against women who worked in the R&R industry along Olongapo and Subic Bay, where U.S. forces had been stationed until the early 1990s. But in Korea, even progressive activists of the 1970s and 1980s, who fought against military dictatorship, labor repression, and the violation of human rights overlooked military prostitution as a political issue. For one, they had their plates full, challenging the Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan regimes. Second, as much as some activists criticized the dominant role of the United States in the alliance relationship, others were loath to attack a fundamental institution that safeguarded Korean security. Of course, the legal system was stacked against them. With the National Security Law squarely in place, critics of the U.S. military or the alliance could be thrown into prison, tortured, or killed. Third, military prostitutes were so beneath the political radar screen of most progressives because the women themselves were viewed as “dirty,” lowest of the low, and “tainted” because they slept with foreign soldiers. A highly puritanical and moralistic sense of ethnonationalism among most Koreans had exiled Korean military prostitutes from the larger Korean society and political arena. It is common knowledge among military prostitutes and their advocates that the formers’ family often disowned them upon learning of their “shameful” lives.

But in 1988, Yu Boknim, a Korean democracy activist, and Faye Moon, an American missionary and social activist became mavericks even among progressive dissidents by paying attention to the plight of the Korean gijichon (camptown) women. Together with the assistance of a handful of student activists and the financial support of some Protestant churches, they established Durebang (My Sister’s Place) in 1988 as a counseling center, shelter, and later bakery (to generate income for older women who had left the sex business and younger women who wanted to get out). But despite their efforts to raise awareness of the relationship between the presence of U.S. bases and the growth of this underclass of women and their Amerasian children, most of Korean society continued to ignore the women and their needs. Rather, Yu and Moon found increasing solidarity with their activist counterparts from the Philippines, Okinawa/Japan, and the United States as women began to organize around issues of sexual violence and slavery, militarism, and human rights in the Asia-Pacific.

Currently, military prostitution in Korea has been transformed in line with global economic and migration trends. Foreign nationals, primarily from the Philippines and the former Soviet Union, have become the majority of sex-providers and “entertainers” for the U.S. troops. Young Korean women, with better education and economic and social opportunities than their mothers or grandmothers, are not available for such work. And they are not as easily duped by traffickers. In a more complex, globalized and multicultural sex industry environment, however, political and legal accountability for various problems and conflicts that both the prostitutes and the servicemen encounter become even more difficult to understand and more difficult for activists to target effectively. Nevertheless, on a day-to-day basis, hardworking advocacy organizations on behalf of the women, such as Saewoomtuh, continue to offer shelter, counseling, and health and legal assistance to the best of their ability.

 

So, if military prostitution around U.S. bases in Asia has been an institution found wherever US forces are stationed since the mid-20th century-including, in addition to Japan, Okinawa, South Korea and the Philippines, Thailand, Taiwan, the Pacific Islands and many others–and individual activists and concerned organizations have labored to raise political and societal awareness of this issue, why has it reached the pages of the New York Times-through the Korean case-only in 2009? The answer lies in a gradual evolution of international and domestic developments that has created some opening for the issue of military prostitution in Korea to become more public.

For starters, the concept of “women’s human rights” and the practice of generating norms and codifying laws have become popularized and prioritized only since the 1990s. Feminist activism on such matters has been around longer, but the “mainstreaming” of women’s human rights is relatively new, with emphasis on the urgency of addressing violence against women, human trafficking, and gender-based economic inequalities.

In East Asia, various regional networks and cooperation among women’s organizations have facilitated the exchange of information about military and civilian forms of prostitution and a wider audience than was available in each national community. The “comfort women” movement, which demanded official apologies, historical accountability, and compensation from the Japanese government for the sexual violence committed against Korean and other women by Japanese troops during the Pacific War, helped shed light on political abuses long regarded as “private” mishaps. Moreover, the social movement around former Japanese “comfort women” had overshadowed advocacy efforts on behalf of the U.S. military prostitutes. The survivors of Japanese sex slavery were older than the survivors of military prostitution, making the claims of the former more urgent. But more than that, activists in the Korean comfort women movement and many of the survivors themselves generally shunned even a remote association with U.S. military prostitutes because the latter were deemed to have freely and willingly sold their bodies. [3] The comfort women movement gained international legitimacy and stature partly because the former victims were viewed as innocents who had been forcibly violated. Nevertheless, the surviving comfort women have faced continuing skepticism about their innocence and purity from the Japanese right.

But with the comfort women issue having achieved some gains since the Korean movement for redress took off in the early 1990s-Japanese apology, albeit wishy-washy under former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo,[4] private compensation from Japan, support by the United Nations apparatus and numerous NGOs, and most recently, the passage of the nonbinding U.S. House Resolution 121 that called upon the Japanese government to apologize for its sexual enslavement of women during World War II-there is a bit more political space that former military prostitutes might share. It should be noted that the women who desire to seek apology and compensation from the Korean government and the U.S. military are themselves elderly, ill, frail, and without much time left to their lives. They now feel their own urgency to get their life stories out and to claim recognition and redress for their sacrifices.

Additionally, individual incidents of violence against women in U.S. military camptowns, which have been common through the decades of the U.S. presence in Asia, have gained broader attention in these societies since the 1990s. In Korea, the egregious murder of Yun Geumi by a U.S. serviceman in October, 1992 [5] was not unique in terms of the degree of abuse and brutality. But it catalyzed local camptown consciousness about the disproportionate burdens that the villages and towns housing U.S. bases in Korea have borne for decades. And it became a call to action for a small group of Korean progressives to organize on behalf of Korean civilians living and working near the bases. The National Campaign for Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea, which eventually became the leading organization that scrutinizes and documents-and when necessary, mobilizes around-the actions of U.S. commands and the conduct of U.S. troops as they affect Korean civilians, was born in the aftermath of Yun’s murder.[6] But for the most part, Yun’s death remained a localized and politically contained issue in the early-mid-1990s.

In Japan, the highly publicized gang rape of a twelve-year-old Okinawan girl in 1995 by three U.S. Marines galvanized political activism and brought wider attention to military-related violence against women. Unlike the rape of the girl, Yun’s murder did not itself spark a national debate about the presence and prerogatives of the U.S. forces or a crisis in the alliance relationship. On one evel, the murder of a prostitute did not elicit as much public sympathy and ire as the rape of a school girl, which triggered action toward an Okinawan referendum on the bases and the establishment of the joint Japan-U.S. Special Action Committee on Okinawa “to reduce the burden on the people of Okinawa and thereby strengthen the Japan-US alliance.”[7] For Koreans, the timing was not conducive to focusing on violence against camptown women because both Seoul and Washington were hip-deep in the first nuclear crisis concerning North Korea. Hammering out the Agreed Framework of 1994 was the major preoccupation of the United States regarding the Korean peninsula. In 1993-94, the Korean government itself had little interest and leverage to seek justice for a dead prostitute; it was fixated on not being left out of the negotiation process between Pyongyang and Washington. On another level, Korean civil society organizations were still in the process of forming and learning how to shape and adapt to the new political parameters that were being created in the aftermath of formal democratization in 1988. Making local politics and violence against women matter to the larger public and government after four decades to the contrary was new and challenging.

Okinawans, on the other hand, benefited from opportune timing. For one, a delegation of women representing peace and women’s human rights groups had just returned from the 1995 UN Conference on Women in Beijing. They responded immediately upon learning of the rape by establishing organizations and mobilizing existing networks that were to become key players in regional and international activism addressing U.S. bases, violence against women, anti-militarism, and human rights for the next decade. The fact that Okinawa enjoyed a governor, Ota Masahide, who was bent on asserting new powers of local
autonomy and challenging the central government’s hegemony over Okinawa’s land usage, economic and security arrangements was also instrumental. By contrast, Korea in 1992-93 had just begun to explore the process of decentralizing government, and at the time of the murder of Yun, autonomous local governments did not exist, and local residents’ identity as a legitimate and effective political community was inchoate. Today, however, local administrative autonomy and residents’ sense of empowerment and entitlement are quite robust. Social movements and opposition parties can and do make claims on the
central government and criticize U.S. bases and U.S.-South Korean relations without fearing the repression that had prevailed for most of the history of the Korean republic.[8]

Internal factors within the United States also provide a context in which the older generation of Korean women who worked and lived as sex providers to the U.S. forces can claim official apology and compensation. Since the early-mid 1990s, international trafficking of human beings for sexual labor and other forms of abuse has been an official part of the U.S. policy agenda. The Clinton administration was particularly active in this regard, with the Department of State under Madeleine Albright playing a leading role. Furthermore, in 2000, the U.S. Congress passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act, which established new protections for women in the domestic sex industry who were willing to cooperate with law enforcement authorities to convict traffickers. The law also put the world on notice that the U.S. seeks to be a leader in preventing and combating human trafficking and mandated the State Department to issue annual status reports of various countries’ efforts to fight trafficking.

Moreover, some members of the U.S. media have focused attention on the issue, Nicholas Kristof of the New York Times being the most prominent in recent years. But earlier in 2002, a FOX TV team had travelled to Korea to document the U.S. military’s involvement in the Korean sex industry and in international trafficking of women. This created a big stir in Washington, prompting members of Congress to write to the then Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to investigate the situation in Korea and other overseas bases. The R&R/sex industry that long had been an integral part of the landscape and the person-to-person interactions between Americans and Koreans became exposed to the larger world and highly newsworthy.

The Pentagon indeed took congressional and media scrutiny seriously and mandated inspector generals to investigate and report on any connection between trafficking and the U.S. military. And in response, commands in Korea cracked down on servicemen and bars suspected of using trafficked women as “hostesses” and entertainers by putting them off limits for periods of time. The U.S. commands also waged public awareness campaigns through radio and periodic education sessions to warn its troops that it does not condone soldiers’ association with prostitution and trafficking. The newspaper for the 2nd Infantry Division, Indianhead, quoted Capt. Kent Bennett, 2nd Inf. Div. Preventive Medicine Officer that “‘[p] rostitution and trafficking are demeaning acts toward women,'” and that by participating, “a Soldier is contributing to the enslavement of women and girls from all over the world.”[9] The article also stated that the U.S. Department of Defense is pushing to change the Uniform Code of Military Justice so that “Soldiers who are found convicted of soliciting prostitution may be dishonorably discharged.” These developments in the U.S. government and military reflect a new sensitivity and responsiveness to public scrutiny and pressures around military prostitution, but it is unclear to what extent institutional changes are systematically planned and enforced and whether the individual conduct of servicemen changes in the long run. These developments also point to a new vulnerability on the part of the U.S. military establishment. They can no longer avoid public oversight over a practice that soldiers and sailors took for granted as part of their “R&R” entitlement for a very long time. But U.S. military policy and behavioral changes that take place now and in the future would come too late for the women who had “serviced” American men in the past.

The domestic and international developments I describe above do matter in terms of whether issues like prostitution, trafficking, violence against women can find a political venue and audience. However, only the individuals who have experienced trafficking, prostitution, and violence can educate us about these conditions as lived realities. And it takes courage to come forward. The elderly women featured in the New York Times have decided that their time has come.

See “Ex-Prostitutes Say South Korea and U.S. Enabled Sex Trade Near Bases” by Choe Sang-Hun

Katharine H.S. Moon is Professor of Political Science at Wellesley College and the author of Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S.-Korea Relations, Columbia University Press, 1997.

She wrote this article for The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. Posted on January 17, 2009.

Recommended Citation: Katharine H.S. Moon, “Military Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 3-6-09, January 17, 2009.

See Choe Sang-hun, “Ex-Prostitutes Say South Korea and U.S. Enabled Sex Trade Near Bases,” The New York Times, January 7, 2009.

Notes:

[1] Aida Santos, “Gathering the Dust: The Bases Issue in the Philippines,” in Let the Good Times Roll, eds. Saundra Sturdevant and Brenda Stolzfus (New York: New Press, 1992) p. 40.

[2] Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).

[3] See Katharine H.S. Moon, “South Korean Movements against Militarized Sexual Labor,” in Asian Survey (34:2), 1999.

[4] Norimitsu Onishi, “Abe only partly successful in defusing ‘comfort women’ issue,” International Herald Tribune, April 29, 2007. Access date: May 2, 2007.

[5]Yun Geumi’s body was found “naked, bloody, and covered with bruises and contusions-with laundry detergent sprinkled over the crime site. In addition, a coke bottle was embedded in Yun’s uterus and the trunk of an umbrella driven 27cm into her rectum.” From Rainbow Center, Flushing, NY, News Letter # 3, January, 1994, p. 8.

[6] For more detailed discussion, see Katharine H.S. Moon, “Resurrecting Prostitutes and Overturning Treaties: Gender Politics in the South Korean ‘Anti-American’ Movement,” Journal of Asian Studies 66:1 (2007).

[7] Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “SACO Final Report,” December 2, 1996.

[8] For a comparative analysis of decentralization and its relationship to the U.S. military in Japan, Korea, and the Philippines, Katharine H.S. Moon, “Challenging U.S. Hegemony: Asian Nationalism and Anti-Americanism in East Asia,” in The United States and East Asia: Old Issues and New Thinking, G. John Ikenberry and Chung-in Moon, eds., (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007).

[9] Indianhead, October 4, 2004. (Access date: 11 January, 2009).

Article on Women and Military Bases in Asia-Pacific

Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific

Ellen-Rae Cachola, Lizelle Festejo, Annie Fukushima, Gwyn Kirk, and Sabina Perez

March 14, 2008

Editor: John Feffer

The power dynamics of militarism in the Asia-Pacific region rely on dominance and subordination. These hierarchical relationships, shaped by gender, can be seen in U.S. military exploitation of host communities, its abuse and contamination of land and water, and the exploitation of women and children through the sex industry, sexual violence, and rape. Women’s bodies, the land, and indigenous communities are all feminized, treated as dispensable and temporary. What is constructed as “civilized, white, male, western, and rational” is held superior to what is defined as “primitive, non-white, female, non-western, and irrational.” Nations and U.S. territories within the Asia-Pacific region are treated as inferiors with limited sovereignty or agency in relation to U.S. foreign policy interests that go hand-in-hand with this racist/sexist ideology.

The imbalance of power in gender relations in and around bases is mirrored at the alliance level as well. The United States controls Hawai’i through statehood; Guam is a colonial territory; and the United States is the dominant partner in alliances with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. The expansion and restructuring of U.S. bases and military operations in the region depend on these imbalances of power, which are rooted in histories of annexation, colonization, exploitation, and war.

The Asia-Pacific region is a major part of the worldwide network of U.S. bases and facilities that support the global war on terror and enables the United States to extend its reach far beyond its own shores. The war on terror is only the latest justification for U.S. military presence in communities that have little say over the activities of armed outsiders. This network in turn depends on a set of interrelated phenomena – violence against women and girls, violation of local people’s self-determination, and abuse and contamination of the environment – that reinforce gender stereotypes.

Military Violence against Women

Violence against women is pervasive at U.S. bases in the region and in prevailing military culture and training. The case of Okinawa is especially shocking. In the past 62 years, there have been 400 reported cases of women who have been attacked, kidnapped, abused, gang-raped, or murdered by U.S. troops. Victims have included a nine-month old baby and girls between six and 15 years old. Most recently, in February 2008, Staff Sgt. Tyrone Luther Hadnott, aged 38, of Camp Courtney in Okinawa, was arrested and charged with raping a 14-year-old girl.

In November 2005, several Marines stood trial for raping a Philippine woman, “Nicole” (a pseudonym) near Olongapo (Philippines). One man, Daniel Smith, a U.S. marine, was convicted of this crime and sentenced to 40 years imprisonment in the Philippines. However, he was transferred to U.S. custody immediately after conviction. Philippine and U.S. organizations contend that this case illuminates the negative impacts of the U.S.-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), which undermines Philippines national sovereignty.

Violence against women recurs around U.S. bases in Asia. A particularly brutal rape and murder of a Korean woman in 1992 led to street demonstrations in Seoul and the formation of a new organization, the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea, to document crimes and help victims claim redress. Activists in Guam are justifiably concerned that such violence will rise in their communities with the proposed increase in U.S. Marines stationed there.

Military personnel are trained to dehumanize “others” as part of their preparation for war. Their aggressiveness, frustration, and fear spill over into local communities, for example in acts of violence against girls and women. Although most U.S. troops do not commit such violations, these incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations. Racist and sexist stereotypes about Asian women – as exotic, accommodating, and sexually compliant – are an integral part of such violence. These crimes inflame local hostility and resistance to U.S. military bases and operations, and have long-lasting effects on victims/survivors. Cases are seriously underreported due to women’s shame and fear or their belief that perpetrators will not be apprehended.

This pattern of sexual violence reveals structural inequalities between Asian communities and the U.S. military, encoded in Status of Forces Agreements and Visiting Forces Agreements. The military sees each crime as an isolated act committed by individual soldiers. Local communities that protest these crimes see gendered violence as a structural issue that is perpetuated by legal, political, economic, and social structures.

Military prostitution continues despite the military’s declared “zero tolerance” policy, affirmed in Department of Defense memoranda and Executive Order 13387 that President George W. Bush signed in October 2005. These days, most women working in clubs near U.S. bases in South Korea and Japan/Okinawa are from the Philippines due to low wages, high unemployment, and the absence of sustainable economic development at home. These governments admit Philippine women on short-term entertainer visas.

Servicemen are still protected from prosecution for many infringements of local laws and customs. The sexual activity of foreign-based troops, including (but not exclusively) through prostitution, has had serious effects on women’s health, boosting rates of HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, drug and alcohol dependency, and mental illness. U.S. Navy ships visit the Philippines for R & R and make stops at Pattaya (Thailand) where the sex-tourism industry flourished during the Vietnam War.

Violation of Local People’s Self-Determination

The expansion of U.S. military bases and operations has had a huge adverse impact on local communities at social, economic, political, and environmental levels. Host governments and local business elites are complicit in this. They equate progress and economic development with U.S. corporate and military interests instead of addressing the effects of U.S. militarism on local communities. The United States uses political and economic control to exert military force in the Pacific region. Allied nations trade sovereignty for militarized “security.” Japan and South Korea both pay for upkeep of U.S. troops and the restructuring or expansion of U.S. bases in their countries.

Guam has yet to attain full self-government through a UN-mandated political process that requires the full cooperation of the United States. The exploitation of Guam’s colonial status has allowed massive military expansion, slated to cost $10 billion, and without consent of the indigenous people. The expansion will transform the island into a forward base with the establishment of a Global Strike Force and ballistic missile defense system. It will also significantly alter the population. The expected transfer of military personnel from Okinawa and other parts of Asia will boost the population by 21%. Although the local business elite welcomes this expansion, many people oppose it. They are also against the resulting economic dependency that is designed and imposed by U.S. foreign policy.

Okinawa is only 0.6% of the land area of Japan, yet houses 75% of U.S. military facilities in that country. There are 37 U.S. bases and installations in Okinawa, with an estimated 23,842 troops and 21,512 family members. The U.S. military proposes to build a heliport in the ocean at Henoko, (northern Okinawa), despite a 10-year campaign against it by Okinawan people and international environmental groups.

Similarly, Korean activists opposed major base expansion at Pyoungtaek, south of Seoul. However, U.S. military officials convinced the Korean government to invest millions of dollars to pay for this expansion as well as a new bombing training site.

Hawai’i is a major tourist destination, but the U.S. military installations occupying 25% of the land area continue to be invisible to most visitors and even to local people. Current examples of the military camouflaging itself in the everyday are the Superferry and the University Affiliated Research Center, both “joint-use” operations for the military and civilians. Rendering the military a normal part of daily life serves U.S. dominance and superiority as truths that cannot be challenged. In tourist brochures Hawai’i is personified as an exotic woman, nearly naked, clad in a hula skirt and lei. Such images make women seem available for exploitation, much as the military treats the land as available for misuse.

Another example of the extension of U.S. military domination is the greater involvement of local armies, such as joint exercises with the armed forces of the Philippines, the New Mexico Guard, and the Guam Army National Guard, as part of the National Guard Bureau’s State Partnership Program. This allows state National Guards to partner with foreign countries and is expected to expand in the coming years within the Pacific Rim and Southeast Asian countries.

The Asia-Pacific region is part of the worldwide network of U.S. bases, facilities, refueling and R & R stops, and reserves of potential recruits that all support the global war on terror. Bases in Hawai’i, Guam, the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan/Okinawa serve as key training grounds for the Iraq War. Moreover, Guam, Diego Garcia, South Korea, and Okinawa are among the transit points for troops and military supplies for the war.

Abuse and Contamination of Environment

The military misuse of the land is part of its dominance over local communities. In many places, military training has caused fires, left the land littered with unexploded bullets and bombs, and pulverized bombing training targets.

In Hawai’i, Guam, the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan, the U.S. military has taken no responsibility for cleaning up contamination caused by its operations. This includes heavy metals (mercury and lead), pesticides (dieldrin and malathion), solvents (including benzene and tuolene), PCBs, pesticides, and JP-4 jet fuel. The resulting toxic health effects on local communities are compounded as the years go on without remediation of contaminated land and water.

In Korea, environmentalists are urging National Assembly members to secure U.S. commitment to clean up the pollution on the many bases slated for closure there, or this will be an expense borne by Korean taxpayers. The proposed heliport at Henoko (Okinawa), meanwhile, threatens the dugong, an endangered manatee, as well as the surrounding coral reefs. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa is a hub of U.S. airpower in the Pacific, with Air Force planes training overhead a daily reality. A 1996 Okinawa Prefecture report on babies born to women living near Kadena Air Force Base showed significantly lower birth weights than those born in any other part of Japan, due to severe noise generated by the base.

Addressing Militarism

Militarism is a system of institutions, investments, and values, which is much wider and more deeply entrenched than any specific war. To create alternate definitions of genuine peace and security, it is important to understand institutionalized gendered relations and other unequal power dynamics including those based on class, colonialism, and racism inherent in U.S. military policy and practice.

Demilitarization requires a de-linking of masculinity and militarism, stopping the glorification of war and warriors, and defining adventure and heroism in nonmilitary terms. It also requires genuinely democratic processes and structures for political and economic decision-making at community, national and transnational levels. In addition, the United States must take responsibility for cleaning up all military contamination in the Asia-Pacific region.

Instead of undermining indigenous control of lands and resources in Guam, for example, the United States and local government agencies should support the self-determination of the Chamorro people. The proposed Marines base for Henoko (Okinawa) should be scrapped and the Japanese government should redirect funds earmarked for it to economic development to benefit Okinawan people.

Since military expansion is a partner in corporate capitalist expansion, economic, political, and social development based on self-sufficiency, self-determination, and ecological restoration of local resources must be encouraged. Communities adjoining U.S. bases in all parts of the region suffer from grossly distorted economies that are overly reliant on the services (legal and illegal) that U.S. soldiers support. This economic dependency affects local men as well as women. Locally directed projects, led by those who understand community concerns, should be supported, together with government reforms to redistribute resources for such initiatives.

In addition, the United States and Asian governments need to revise their legal agreements to protect local communities. Local people need transparency in the implementation of these policies, in interagency involvement (Pentagon, State Department, Department of the Interior, Environmental Protection Agency) and in executive orders that affect U.S. military operations in the region. Such revisions should include the ability for host governments to prosecute perpetrators of military violence so that the U.S. military can be held accountable for the human consequences of its policies.

U.S. military expansion and restructuring in the Asia-Pacific region serve patriarchal U.S. goals of “full spectrum dominance.” Allied governments are bribed, flattered, threatened, or coerced into participating in this project. Even the apparently willing governments are junior partners who must, in an unequal relationship, shoulder the costs of U.S. military policies.

For the U.S. military, land and bodies are so much raw material to use and discard without responsibility or serious consequences to those in power. Regardless of gender, soldiers are trained to dehumanize others so that, if ordered, they can kill them. Sexual abuse and torture committed by U.S. military personnel and contractors against Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib prison illustrate a grim new twist on militarized violence, where race and nation “trumped” gender. White U.S. women were among the perpetrators, thereby appropriating the masculinized role. The violated Iraqi men, meanwhile, were forced into the feminized role.

Gendered inequalities, which are fundamental to U.S. military operations in the Asia-Pacific region, affect men as well as women. Young men who live near U.S. bases see masculinity defined in military terms. They may work as cooks or bartenders who provide rest and relaxation to visiting servicemen. They may be forced to migrate for work to larger cities or overseas, seeking to fulfill their dreams of giving their families a better future.

U.S. peace movements should not only address U.S. military involvement in the Middle East, but also in other parts of the world. Communities in the Asia-Pacific region have a long history of contesting U.S. militarism and offer eloquent testimonies to the negative impact of U.S. military operations there. These stories provide insights into the gendered dynamics of U.S. foreign and military policy, and the complicity of allied nations in this effort. Many individuals and organizations are crying out for justice, united by threads of hope and visions for a different future. Our job is to listen to them and to act accordingly.

Ellen-Rae Cachola, Lizelle Festejo, Annie Fukushima, Gwyn Kirk, and Sabina Perez are contributors to Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org) and work with Women for Genuine Security, a Bay Area group that is part of the International Women’s Network Against Militarism.
For More Information

South Korea
Durebang (My Sisters Place)
National Campaign to Eradicate Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea: usacrime@chollian.net.co.kr

Okinawa/Japan
Okinawa Peace Network
Japan Policy Research Institute

Guam
I Nasion Chamoru: dquinata@gmail.com
Famoksaiyan

Philippines
WEDPRO, Inc.
BUKLOD: bukod@info.com.ph
Hawai’i
DMZ Hawaii/Aloha Aina
Kahea

United States
Women for Genuine Security
American Friends Service Committee

Source: http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5069

Soldier arrested in infant attempted-murder case is released

HonoluluAdvertiser.com

December 19, 2008

Soldier arrested in infant attempted-murder case is released

A 20-year-old Army man arrested in the attempted-murder case of a 5-month-old Wahiawa girl has been released pending further investigation.

The man was arrested at 6 p.m. Wednesday.

The girl, who suffered critical injuries Dec. 8, remains at Tripler Army Medical Center.

Police said the man knows the victim.

Meanwhile, officials also said today that the man’s two children have been placed in foster care. The man has two children under 5, a state Department of Human Services spokeswoman said. They were taken into protective custody Dec. 9.

Soldier suspected of attempted murder of 5 month old girl

From: Honoluluadvertiser.com

Posted on: Thursday, December 18, 2008

Military man, 20, held in attempted-murder probe

Advertiser Staff

A 20-year-old Army man identified yesterday as a suspect in a Honolulu police attempted-murder investigation is being held by the Schofield Barracks provost marshal following his arrest.

The investigation involves critical injuries suffered by a 5-month-old girl on Dec. 8.

The infant’s mother took her to Wahiawa General Hospital, which called police to report “suspicious injuries.”

The child was later transferred to Tripler Army Medical Center.

Military backed convicted domestic violence felon

Source:http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20081218/SPECIALS/812180371/-1/SPECIALS&template=domesticviolence_story

Posted on: Thursday, December 18, 2008

Army backed domestic-violence felon

By Rob Perez
Advertiser Staff Writer

In the Hawai’i Army National Guard, a felony conviction usually is enough to get a citizen soldier kicked out of the military.

But when Guard member Ernie Gomez was convicted of a felony in 2005 for terrorizing his wife with a semiautomatic weapon, his military career was far from derailed.

Free on bail, the convicted domestic-violence felon was able to transfer from the Guard to the Army Reserve, get mobilized to active duty status in New Jersey and start an Army job that required a “secret” security clearance to train war-bound troops.

Gomez even was able to enroll in and complete a military police training course while a felon.

And as the soldier pursued an appeal and pardon of his domestic violence conviction, some of his former and then-current military colleagues, including a lieutenant colonel and captain, urged the Hawai’i courts and Gov. Linda Lingle to keep him out of prison and on the job. They cited his exemplary record of serving his country, his dedication to his family and his lack of a criminal record – except for the domestic violence felony.

“I don’t think I’ve ever seen a command weigh in on behalf of a soldier like this,” said Circuit Judge Michael Town at one court hearing.

Town presided over Gomez’s trial and granted his motions to remain free on bail while he pursued the appeal and pardon.

After the appeal was rejected in December 2007 and Lingle denied the pardon request in August, Town ordered the soldier to begin serving his five-year mandatory minimum prison sentence. Until then, Gomez had been free for more than three years following his conviction. For much of that time, he was working for the Army.

Critics say the Gomez case illustrates the military’s tendency to protect domestic abusers who hold jobs considered important by their supervisors.

“This certainly cements our concerns,” said Annelle Amaral, an advocate for battered women. “It’s extremely disturbing to think the military would defend someone convicted of violent, criminal behavior.”

Gomez could not be reached for comment, and the public defender who handled his appeal did not return calls from the newspaper.

But a Georgia-based Reserve spokeswoman said Gomez should not have been able to join the Reserve with a felony conviction and an investigation is under way to find out how the system allowed that to happen.

“Right now, we’re trying to investigate where it broke down,” said Maj. Claudia Jefferson.

If Gomez had been dishonorably discharged from the Guard because of his conviction, the action would have been flagged in a records check when he signed up for the Reserve and would have prevented him from joining, Jefferson said.

But nothing in his record at the time raised a red flag, she added, and no security background check was done because the one he had from the Guard still was current.

A Guard spokesman confirmed that Gomez transferred from the Guard to the Army Reserve in January 2006. But he said he couldn’t disclose details of Gomez’s case, citing privacy regulations.

A jury in February 2005 found Gomez guilty of using a semiautomatic handgun eight months earlier to terrorize his then-wife at their ‘Ewa Beach home. At the time, their 2-year-old daughter was nearby, screaming and crying. Gomez also was convicted of abuse for striking his wife.

Hawai’i law requires that anyone who uses a semiautomatic during the commission of a felony receive the mandatory five-year minimum term.

The crime happened just days before Gomez was to graduate from his Honolulu Police Department recruit class. He later quit the program.

At the time, Gomez also was a member of the Hawai’i Army National Guard, according to the employment history he provided with his pardon application. On Dec. 8, 2005, the soldier received his mandatory sentence.

More than a month later and almost a year after he was found guilty of terroristic threatening and abuse, Gomez transferred to the Reserve. He was ordered to active duty about a year later, assigned to Fort Dix, N.J., court records show.

Despite his felony record, Gomez was allowed to enroll in a “military police reclassification course” at Fort Polk, La., and in July 2007 he received his diploma, graduating in the top 20 percent of his class.

He also obtained a “secret” clearance required for his job at Fort Dix, Gomez said in a letter to Town. It was not clear from the letter when the clearance was obtained and whether it allowed him to handle sensitive military information.

But Jefferson said Gomez already had the “secret” clearance when he joined the Reserve, having obtained it while he was in the Guard.

As Gomez, then a sergeant first class, pursued his appeal and pardon, friends and colleagues wrote to Town and Lingle on the soldier’s behalf.

“SFC Gomez has been with our organization for the last several months and has been a major part of the success we are having in preparing soldiers for combat,” Lt. Col. William Wall, Reserve commander of Gomez’s New Jersey battalion, wrote in an undated letter to Town. “It would be a tremendous loss to our unit if he had to leave now.”

Wall also was a New Jersey detective and said he understood the seriousness of the domestic abuse charges. “Domestic violence will not be tolerated within my battalion and SFC Gomez will pay his debt to society,” Wall wrote.

The Reserve officer told the court he was willing to have “the entire chain of command” support efforts to keep Gomez on the job “only because SFC Gomez is a fine and outstanding NCO who has been proving his experience to soldiers as they prepare to deploy to theatre.”

Wall did not return phone calls seeking comment.

But even though the letter appears to have been written well after Gomez’s conviction, Wall did not know he had been convicted, Jefferson said.

His supervisor at Fort Dix, however, was well aware of Gomez’s conviction and still urged Lingle to pardon him.

“I can honestly affirm that SFC Gomez is one of the best soldiers and noncommission officers I have ever served with or have commanded,” wrote Capt. Javier Cortez-Perez in an October 2007 letter accompanying Gomez’s pardon application.

Cortez-Perez said he had been Gomez’s supervisor for the past 10 months and “his character and personal commitment to accomplishment of the mission and to the nation (are) unparalleled.”

Also in the pardon packet was a letter from John R. Penebacker, a retired Guard colonel who was Gomez’s commanding officer for about three years. He urged Lingle to grant the pardon.

“I know that for Mr. Gomez, time has provided opportunity for soul-searching, self-reflection and remorse,” Penebacker wrote in October 2007.

In felony cases, military law gives a convict’s commander the discretion on when to start the discharge process, according to Donald G. Rehkopf Jr., a New York attorney and former Air Force lawyer who has specialized in military law for 32 years. If an appeal or pardon were pending, the commander likely held off on starting that process, he said.

Gomez and his wife, Sherly Gomez, eventually divorced, and he has since remarried. Sherly Gomez and his current wife supported his pardon request, according to court documents.

The Gomez case has raised questions similar to those posed by other former spouses of military men who were found to have been abusive.

The system tends to favor the military member, not the victim, and minimizes the violence or threats of harm, several former spouses and their relatives told The Advertiser.

“Do you know how hard it is to get someone kicked out of the military for domestic violence?” asked Joy Lacanienta, who was abused by her Army husband in the late 1990s and early 2000s. “It’s close to impossible.”

Lacanienta said her now ex-husband eventually was discharged after the Army confirmed the abuse, but it took tremendous effort just to get his commanders to take the matter seriously.

Donna LaDuke, whose stepdaughter, Felicia LaDuke, was killed by a Schofield Barracks soldier in 2005, said multiple warning signs were ignored before Felicia’s death. According to testimony at Jeffery White’s murder trial, 24 military members or their spouses had heard him threaten Felicia in the 18 months before she was killed. But no one took White’s threats seriously or reported them to his superiors or the police, LaDuke said.

White eventually was court-martialed for LaDuke’s murder and is serving a life prison term with no possibility of parole.

The Army said it thoroughly investigates all allegations of domestic abuse, noting that such offenses undermine the mission readiness and well-being of soldiers and family members.

“In every instance, substantiated cases of domestic violence are taken seriously and aggressively pursued by the Army, ensuring proper protection and justice for victim and accountability for offender,” spokesman Loran Doane said in an e-mail.

Reach Rob Perez at rperez@honoluluadvertiser.com.

Military Domestic Violence a ‘big-time problem’

http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20081218/SPECIALS/812180372/-1/SPECIALS&template=domesticviolence_story

Posted on: Thursday, December 18, 2008

Domestic violence in military might be bigger problem than Hawaii statistics suggest
Many see violence against military wives as a ‘big-time problem,’ but official statistics tell different story

By Rob Perez
Advertiser Staff Writer

Sitting at a Windward O’ahu spouse abuse shelter, thousands of miles from her alleged batterer, Kaliegh Cuervo lifted her blouse to reveal a small scar from a bullet wound on her left side.
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It serves as a permanent reminder of the brutal attacks she said she suffered on the Mainland after her then-Marine husband returned from a second deployment to Iraq.

The attacks left other lasting effects. Her right eye is permanently damaged. She has false teeth. Doctors told her she no longer can bear children.

After the second Iraq tour, Cuervo said, her husband came back a different person. He had trouble sleeping, was more withdrawn, more prone to violent outbursts. The first evening back, she said, he got night sweats so bad the mattress was soaked to the box-springs and had to be replaced.

“It was pretty scary,” said Cuervo, 36, who changed her name and fled to Hawai’i to get away from her ex-husband. “He wasn’t the man I married.”

Cuervo’s description of how the stresses of war transformed her former spouse sounded remarkably similar to what many other military wives and girlfriends have told Hawai’i court personnel, domestic-violence counselors, victim advocates and others to explain their partners’ violent or emotionally abusive tendencies.

Advocates believe such behavior helps explain why some civilian agencies that deal with returning troops or their spouses have seen a spike in domestic-abuse cases involving veterans of combat in Iraq and Afghanistan.

“It’s a big-time problem,” said William “Clay” Park, a former case manager and veterans specialist with Helping Hands Hawai’i.

Maj. Carlton Nishimura, head of Honolulu Police Department’s criminal investigation division, said his unit saw few military domestic-violence cases before the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

Now, he and others said, police are seeing them more frequently.

Glenn Komiyama, the Judiciary’s adult client services branch supervisor, likewise said temporary-restraining-order filings involving military members seem to have increased since troops began returning from deployments.

If the rate of military abuse has risen in Hawai’i in recent years, the official statistics hardly reflect that.

The Army and Marines, the two branches that have shouldered the lion’s share of deployments from the Islands, have reported seeing little change in the number of substantiated domestic-abuse cases locally.

The Army total actually dropped from 160 cases in fiscal 2003 to 119 last fiscal year. The Marines recorded 57 administrative cases in fiscal 2006, unchanged from five years earlier.

The Hawai’i Army National Guard, which sent roughly half its 5,500 members to the war zones in 2004 and 2005, reported a similar experience. Before the deployment, the Guard averaged about one domestic-abuse case in the court system per year, according to spokesman Chuck Anthony. After the deployment, he added, the average has remained basically the same. The data include restraining-order cases.

Army spokesman Loran Doane said the decline in substantiated Army cases and the increase in personnel devoted to combating domestic violence and supporting families in Hawai’i indicate the programs are working.

“We’ve succeeded in what we wanted to accomplish,” he said, stressing that the programs will continue adapting to the changing needs of soldiers and their families.

Some outside the military say the numbers fail to capture the true extent of the domestic abuse problem within the services, tending to minimize it.

“I really do think it’s a much bigger problem than what’s being publicly acknowledged,” said Kata Issari, program director for the Family Peace Center, which provides services for Hawai’i offenders and victims.

Nationally, the picture is mixed. One study suggested that the Army’s domestic violence rates overall are no worse than for civilian families. Another noted that one in five veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan reported symptoms of combat stress or major depression, which can contribute to domestic violence. Still other studies have shown increased substance abuse problems – another contributor to domestic violence – among recent combat veterans.

The Miles Foundation, which provides help to battered military wives nationwide and at foreign bases, has seen its caseload skyrocket since the wars started. Before October 2001, it had roughly 50 new cases a month, according to Margaret Bowen, the foundation’s director of research and resources. As of June of this year, it was averaging nearly 170 cases per week.

“We’re seeing a big correlation between deployment and an increase in the number of cases and the severity of violence,” Bowen said.

Part of the problem is that the behaviors that underlie domestic violence – power and control – are closely aligned to the command mindset in the military. Additionally, the combat ethos – warriors take charge and show no emotion – can spell disaster in an intimate relationship if the soldier has trouble readjusting and bottles up his feelings.

“It’s like jamming a cannon,” said Joe Bloom, program director for Catholic Charities Hawai’i’s therapeutic services. “Eventually, it’s going to blow up.”

Most troops typically have no major problems adjusting. But as more members return to Hawai’i from their second, third and fourth deployments, the chances of domestic strain tend to rise, the experts say. Because of that, some agencies are bracing for even more abuse cases.

“I fully expect we’ll see quite a huge jump,” Bloom said.

One area in which military abuse cases tend to frequently surface in the civilian community is in the civil courts, where temporary restraining orders are issued.

Ed Flores, executive director of Ala Kuola, a nonprofit that helps people file TRO petitions, said the vast majority of military cases it handles involve troops recently returned from deployments.

“A lot of these wives will say, ‘He’s not the same person,’ ” Flores said.

Family Court Judge Michael Broderick, who decides restraining order cases three mornings a week, hears that line all the time. Broderick estimated that roughly 20 percent of his TRO cases involve military members.

“What I frequently hear (from the wives and girlfriends) is that he’s different, he’s like a stranger, he acts in ways he never did before,” Broderick said. “The truth is, I hurt for these guys. But I still grant the restraining orders” if the woman’s safety is at risk.

Broderick recalled a recent case in which a soldier acknowledged that he repeatedly hit and threatened to kill his girlfriend. Dressed in his military fatigues, the soldier came to court agitated, pacing in the tiny room.

He told the judge he had been wounded in Iraq and had killed people. Although he admitted abusing his girlfriend, he implored Broderick not to issue the protective order she sought.

“I’m begging you, don’t do this,” the soldier pleaded as his girlfriend cried only a few feet away. “Don’t take away from me the one person I love and the only person who can help me through this crisis.”

In considering whether to issue the order, Broderick said he had to separate the soldier’s pain and war experiences from the woman’s safety. Because the judge believed she clearly was in danger, he issued the protective order. “It was really, really hard,” he said.

In another case, a woman told the court that her military husband threw her to the ground and started choking her. She was able to get away and ran outside, where her husband grabbed her by the hair and started dragging her into the street, according to her restraining order petition. He finally let go and walked to her garage, where he punched holes in the wall.

Those types of cases are not uncommon in the daily stream of restraining-order requests to come before the courts.

Broderick said he has noticed other common themes in military cases, especially among the men returning from Iraq. Jealousy seems to be a frequent factor, with the soldiers telling the judge about suspicious e-mails their partners received or concerns because the partners were going out at night with friends. “In almost none of the cases is there a basis for the suspicion at all,” the judge said.

Broderick said he also is seeing more military men who seem genuinely confused that the judge doesn’t understand why they ended up abusing their partners. “It seems a disproportionate number have recently returned from Iraq.”

The public’s glimpse of the domestic violence problem in the military has come mostly from horrific criminal cases that have generated widespread media coverage.

The case of Hawai’i Army National Guard soldier Tyrone Vesperas, for instance, received national attention last year when he was charged with various murder-related crimes after he allegedly stabbed his 14-year-old son to death. The teen was protecting his pregnant mother during a domestic dispute on the Big Island.

Vesperas and his wife, Cheryl-Lyn Vesperas, had separated shortly after he returned from a tour in Iraq. During the argument, the wife also was stabbed repeatedly in the abdomen, police said. The unborn child did not survive.

Cuervo said her case got local media coverage partly because of the severity of the abuse. Her ex-husband is facing prosecution on a variety of charges, including domestic battery and kidnapping, she said.

Cuervo told her story from the Windward shelter in October on the condition that her former husband not be named. Because she has changed her identity, including her Social Security number, with the help of the federal government, she did not want her new name linked to her old one. She has since left the shelter.

Cuervo, who often broke into tears as she recounted what happened, said her husband was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder after his second tour in Iraq. After he became particularly violent one night, Cuervo said she went to an emergency shelter, and four other women whose husbands were in the same Marine unit already were there, seeking refuge from their abusers.

Cuervo said she was hospitalized for several months after one beating, has had eight surgeries since then and considers herself lucky to be alive. “Every day of my life is a blessing,” she said. “When I look in the mirror now, I see hope.”

To counter the domestic violence problem, the military provides extensive training to its troops before, during and after deployments. Families also are offered classes to help them understand and cope with the lengthy deployments.

Once home, the soldiers go through more extensive sessions covering a range of topics, from substance abuse to suicide awareness. And because readjustment difficulties may not surface immediately, similar sessions are provided at several subsequent intervals, such as 90 and 180 days later for the Marines.

“These symptoms don’t manifest themselves immediately upon return,” said Marine Capt. Seth Gibson.

Since the deployments started, the Army in Hawai’i has added to its community service staff to offer expanded programs to soldiers and their dependents.

Workers, for instance, conduct life-skill classes and other family-friendly services. New parents can get home visits from family consultants and can join group sessions for specialized help.

Consultants provide problem-solving counseling and other assistance to help families cope with deployment stresses.

“Without a doubt, the Army definitely has stepped up to the plate to increase service delivery and support for soldiers and family members across the board,” said Cole Weeks, Family Advocacy Program manager for Army Community Service at Schofield Barracks.

The military also provides two options for victims to report abuse. One enables the victim to get medical, counseling and other treatment while law enforcement authorities pursue an investigation. That option could result in prosecution of the alleged abuser, with potential ramifications on his military career. The other option allows the victim to get treatment without requiring notification of the alleged abuser’s command and law enforcement.

“We do treat this issue very seriously and have a plethora of programs,” said Marine spokesman Maj. Alan Crouch.

With the Hawai’i Guard expecting more marital problems and divorces in the wake of a current deployment, the second for the group, it is planning to hire more workers to track cases and provide additional support services.

Among the services will be a mobile team with family specialists who can go to people’s homes.

Park, the former Helping Hands veterans specialist, said the military is trying to cope with the domestic violence problem, but not nearly enough is being done. Tracking of the problem is insufficient and more counseling and other intervention programs are needed, Park said.

He said he has spoken to many combat veterans who are struggling to cope with the after-effects of the war and whose marriages have ended or are under tremendous stress.

“The system is failing the guys and their spouses,” Park said.

Reach Rob Perez at rperez@honoluluadvertiser.com.

DNA links soldier to unsolved sex assault

Schofield soldier Mark Heath was arrested in 2007 for allegedly breaking into a UH dorm and stealing an iPod and panties from a female student.   Investigators suspected him of committing an earlier rape.  See the Star Bulletin story from 2007: http://starbulletin.com/2007/11/28/news/story05.html Now the DNA confirms he was the rapist.  Here’s the story from the Honolulu Star Bulletin:

Find this article at:
http://www.starbulletin.com/news/hawaiinews/20081218_case_grows_against_sex_assailant.html

Case grows against sex assailant

DNA links Mark Heath to an unsolved crime that occurred in 2007

By Gene Park

POSTED: 01:30 a.m. HST, Dec 18, 2008

A man who has already pleaded guilty to burglary and sexual assault at the University of Hawaii at Manoa pleaded no contest yesterday to another sexual assault case.

After Mark Heath, 21, pleaded guilty on April 30 to breaking into University of Hawaii dormitories and taking underwear and other objects, his DNA sample was taken.

That DNA was linked to an unsolved 2007 sexual assault case. Heath has been in custody on a $1 million bail.

Deputy Prosecutor Thalia Murphy said she hopes to get a maximum of 60 years total for Heath’s crimes, including the university incidents.

“He’s a predator and he’s indiscriminate,” Murphy said. “This defendant knows no bounds. And yet if you were to look at him, he looks like someone you’d want your daughter to marry.”

In April 2007, Heath followed a woman unknown to him to her Ala Wai Boulevard apartment. The woman shut the door on him and went to sleep.

She awoke to find Heath raping her, chased him out but could not catch up to him.

Heath’s DNA was linked to that case. Yesterday he pleaded no contest to first-degree burglary and second-degree sexual assault.

On Aug. 19, 2007, Heath tried to cut off the panties of a female student at the Hale Mokihana dormitory on the Manoa campus. He also was accused of stealing women’s underwear and an iPod in November 2007.

Heath’s sentencing is scheduled for March 4.