Ft. Bragg Soldier faces multiple charges including rape and attempted rape – a growing trend

MS. Magazine Blog

http://msmagazine.com/blog/blog/2010/03/19/soldier-as-rapist-all-too-common/

Soldier As Rapist: All Too Common

March 19, 2010 by Natalie Wilson

Fort Bragg soldier Spc. Aaron Pernell, 22, an indirect fire infantryman who has served two tours in Iraq, was charged with sexual assault in February. Pernell appeared in court Tuesday on 13 charges including rape and attempted rape. What’s unique about these charges are that they were made at all: thousands of other military rapists have escaped punishment in the past fifteen years, according to the Denver Post in its excellent investigative series [PDF].

As the Ms. Blog recently reported, a new Pentagon study confirms that militarized sexual violence (MSV) is on the rise. Yet, while crimes such as those Pernell is charged with are all too common, perpetrators regularly escape punishment and often re-enter the civilian world with no criminal record.

Since one-third of women who join the military are raped or sexually assaulted by fellow soldiers, we must recognize that the soldier as rapist is all too common. Given that rape and sexual assault rates rise in the civilian world during wartime, we must also recognize that militarized sexual violence is trickling down into our communities. As more soldiers return home, we can expect more crimes like those Pernell is charged with.

In fact, areas surrounding military bases have already seen increasing numbers of sexual assault. Stacy Bannerman, author of When the War Came Home, calls this “collateral damage,” writing:

In the past five years, hundreds, if not thousands, of women have been beaten, assaulted, or terrorized when their husbands, fiancés, or boyfriends got back from Iraq. Dozens of military wives have been strangled, shot, decapitated, dismembered, or otherwise murdered when their husbands brought the war on terror home.

The practice of granting moral waivers–which allow people to enlist who have records of domestic violence, sex crimes, and manslaughter–may also exacerbate rates of MSV. Further, as Professor Carol Burke documents, many soldiers enlist as teenagers to escape troubled or violent homes. Since such abuse (if not addressed) tends to be cyclical, filling our military ranks with abuse survivors without addressing childhood trauma, offering psychological counseling, or implementing anti-abuse training, is a recipe for continued violence. These factors, in conjunction with the prevalence of PTSD (post-traumatic-stress-disorder) in returning soldiers, which has been linked to enacting violence, likely means that rates of MSV will not be going down anytime soon.

Though Pernell’s case is a horrific one, sadly it is far from unique. To read more on this subject, watch for my feature article in the upcoming Spring issue of Ms. magazine.

ABOVE: Mug shot of Aaron Pernell.

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Fayetteville, NC Observer

http://www.fayobserver.com/Articles/2010/03/17/983941

Published: 06:30 AM, Wed Mar 17, 2010

Rape suspect appears in District Court

By Nancy McCleary <http://www.fayobserver.com/help/staff/nancy-mccleary>
Staff writer

Spc. Aaron Pernell, wearing his full dress Army uniform, stared straight ahead and showed no emotion Tuesday when he appeared in District Court on charges including rape and attempted rape.

The 22-year-old spoke only when asked by Judge David Hasty if he had filled out an affidavit for a court-appointed lawyer.

“No, I did not fill it out, your honor,” Pernell said in a loud, clear voice.

It was the first appearance in Cumberland County for Pernell, who faces 13 charges including two counts of first-degree rape and three counts each of attempted rape and burglary.

Pernell has been charged by Fayetteville police with three attacks on women from October to December 2008 in single-family homes in the area of Cliffdale Road and the Water’s Edge neighborhood.

One of the women was raped, police said.

Some of the victims and their family members attended the hearing at the Cumberland County Detention Center. They sat in the front row of the small gallery and declined to speak to reporters.

A blonde-haired woman sitting on the front row took deep breaths moments before Pernell’s case was called. She stared down at her hands during part of the brief court appearance.
Three county deputies flanked the two benches where the victims and the families sat and escorted them out of the building.

Robert Cooper, a Fayetteville lawyer, was appointed to represent Pernell.

Hasty reviewed the charges with Pernell and asked if he understood that if he is found guilty, he could be sentenced to nearly 200 years in prison.

Pernell said yes.

His bail was set at $6 million.

Pernell was to be returned to the custody of military police from Fort Bragg, where he is being held.

Earlier Tuesday, Pernell appeared in District Court in Hoke County, where he is accused of breaking into three homes in the Raeford area between April and August 2009 and sexually assaulting three women.

His bail in Hoke County was set at $5 million.

Pernell also is charged with breaking into two homes and raping a woman on Fort Bragg in December.

Pernell, an indirect fire infantryman assigned to the 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment of the 82nd Airborne Division, is in the custody of the military.

Military officials contend the Uniform Code of Military Justice should apply in civilian court, according to Debbie Tanna, a spokeswoman for the Cumberland County Sheriff’s Office.

The code doesn’t allow pictures from courtroom proceedings, and Army officials sought to have that applied during Tuesday’s proceedings, Tanna said.

Before the hearing, Chief District Court Judge Beth Keever issued an order banning cameras from the proceedings, Tanna said.

Keever was not available to discuss her decision.

After Pernell was charged Feb. 2 by the military, Fayetteville police said he was a “person of interest” in seven attacks reported in the city between June and January.

However, members of a regional task force created to investigate the attacks – which include an attempted rape in Hope Mills – announced Friday they are looking for someone else in those cases.

Staff writer Nancy McCleary can be reached at mcclearyn@fayobserver.com or 486-3568.

Ex-military man shoots neighbor in noise dispute

A friend who lives near this shooting incident said that the shooter was a retired military man.  He stared blankly after the shooting as police handcuffed him.

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http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=2010303160014

Updated at 8:12 a.m., Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Man arrested following Mililani shooting

By Curtis Lum

Advertiser Staff Writer

A 54-year-old Mililani man faces multiple attempted murder charges following a shooting Sunday night that left one man in serious condition.

Michael J. Graham was booked on five counts of second-degree attempted murder. He remained in police custody Monday night pending charges.

Police were sent to a home on Kaholo Street in Mililani about 10 p.m. Sunday after someone reported hearing gunshots. Police said they found a man in the home with multiple gunshot wounds.

The man was taken to the hospital in critical condition, but he later improved to serious condition.

Several other people told police that a man fired a gun at them while they were in their backyard, police said. Police located Graham and arrested him without incident.

Reach Curtis Lum at culum@honoluluadvertiser.com

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http://www.starbulletin.com/news/20100317_Shots_erupted_over_noise_police_say.html

Shots erupted over noise, police say

A Mililani dispute ends with a charge of attempted murder

By Leila Fujimori

POSTED: 01:30 a.m. HST, Mar 17, 2010

Prosecutors charged a 54-year-old Mililani man yesterday with second- degree attempted murder for allegedly shooting his 45-year-old next-door neighbor multiple times with a revolver.

Police said the suspect, Michael J. Graham, had a long-standing dispute with his neighbor over noise. Police and neighbors identified the neighbor as Jerome Cristobal.

Graham also was charged with four counts of first-degree terroristic threatening for allegedly firing the gun at his neighbor’s three children and Cristobal’s daughter’s boyfriend.

Graham was also charged with use of a firearm in the commission of a felony and possession of a firearm to commit a felony. His bail was set at $150,000.

Police said Cristobal was covering a generator in his backyard about 9:45 p.m. Sunday at his 94-235 Kaholo St. house.

When his son went outside to ask his father for a cigarette, he heard a loud pop, saw his father fall to the ground and began screaming for help, a police affidavit said.

Guam: Japan Group Shares Experience With Military Presence

These people-to-people exchanges and solidarity efforts are very encouraging.   The peoples of our region can make peace despite the oppressive and militarized policies of our governments.

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http://mvguam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11288:japan-group-shares-experience-with-military-presence&catid=1:guam-local-news&Itemid=2

Marianas Variety

Japan Group Shares Experience With Military Presence

Tuesday, 09 March 2010 04:54

by Therese Hart | Variety News Staff

Tsuru Masaaki, leader of the 21-member delegation known as the Kyushu block Japan Congress against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs said yesterday that the delegation’s mission was to share with Guam residents and leaders, the hardships their people have gone through with the military presence in Japan and to learn from local residents and leaders the issues facing Guam and the impending military buildup and its presence here.

When asked by Variety if the group planned to have an alliance with Guam, Masaaki said that they had no particular plan to draft any joint resolution or take any kind of action, but because they met with Guam residents and exchanged experiences, “we promised to continue to help and to have an exchange so in the future, we’re going to do something.”

“We came here to know the situation of Guam because we heard that in Guam people have the same kind of problems as the people in Japan. We came here to see the situation, only, not really have a special purpose of implementation.

Masaaki is from the Fukuoka Prefecture and is an attorney, as well as the executive chairman of Fukuoka local Japan Congress against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs Saga Prefecture.

Uezu Yoshinao from Okinawa shared his views of the military presence in Okinawa, saying that Futenma Airbase is the most dangerous air base in the world.

Yoshinao backed up his statement saying that Futenma airbase is located near residential homes and public buildings. In August, 2004, a U.S. helicopter crashed and parts of the copter flew towards the residential area.

“Years ago, a U.S. helicopter crashed and part of the copter flew towards the residential area and people were really scared. Fortunately, there was nobody who was injured by that accident, but people are always facing that kind of fear,” said Yoshinao.

Yoshinao said that this situation would never have existed in the United States.

“In the U.S. this location cannot exist. Futenma airbase is near a residential area and public buildings. If this were in the U.S. you couldn’t build an airport in that area that is close to a residential area. So why in Japan, can you be allowed to do that and not in the U.S.? So as soon as possible, the airbase should be removed from there,” said Yoshinao.

Yoshinao said that incidents that will never be forgotten is one such as the rape of young Okinawan girls by U.S. military personnel.

The raping of young girls in Okinawa … this is just one example…The people of Okinawa has been suffering so that is why we want the U.S. bases out of Okinawa,” he said.

Yoshinao said he believes that the U.S. bases or military presence in Okinawa is representative of the United States itself. Therefore, the U.S. government must take responsibility for the base.

Senator Tina Muna Barnes said that it was clear from the beginning of the dialogue that local prefectures from Japan have the same concerns as Guam.

“They are on a fact-finding mission. There are concerns and parallels with issues such as ours regarding their land, their marine life, the aspect of how air space is being utilized, and self determination. I think all those things — we share all those concerns as common ground — so when is the United States going to step up to the plate to make sure there’s collaboration and there’s a fair playing field for everyone,” opined the lawmaker.

Soldier on trial for luring child for sex

http://www.hawaiinewsnow.com/Global/story.asp?S=12009156

Trial opens for National Guard member accused of trying to lure child for sex

Posted: Feb 18, 2010 2:54 PM Updated: Feb 18, 2010 9:02 PM

By Minna Sugimoto

HONOLULU (HawaiiNewsNow) – Trial is underway for a Hawaii Air National Guard member accused of using the Internet to solicit a child for sex.

Matthew Lewis, 34, is charged with electronic enticement. If convicted, he faces a mandatory 10-year prison term.

It’s been rare for Hawaii jurors to hear this type of case. In the past, many electronic enticement suspects pleaded guilty. But after the legislature created a stiffer punishment for the crime, more and more cases are going to trial.

Detective Sandi Fujitani’s job is to take down child predators on the Internet. She says she was posing as a 14-year-old girl online, and met Matthew Lewis who was using the screen name ML808.

According to the transcripts in evidence:

ML808: “What kind of underwear would you be wearing?”

Undercover officer: “You want me to wear a thong? I have one.”

ML808: “Ok, what color?”

With the help of a representative from the Attorney General’s office, Fujitani read transcripts of the online conversations she says she had with Lewis. The Hawaii Air National Guard member is accused of soliciting sex from the child.

Undercover officer: “Can we go slowly?”

ML808: “Up to you.”

Undercover officer: “Yeah, I guess I’m kind of scared, nervous.”

Undercover officer: “How do I know you’re not going to hurt me?”

ML808: “I won’t. I just want to have fun.”

Prosecutors say the undercover officer repeatedly told Lewis that she was 14 years old.

ML808: “For a 14-year-old, your typing and grammar are good.”

Undercover officer: “Hello? LOL. What you think, private school.”

Officers arrested the suspect at his mother’s karate school at the Chinatown Cultural Plaza in October 2008. Several days earlier, they say he drove from his Waipahu home to the Zippy’s Restaurant in McCully to meet the girl in person.

“At the time of this meeting, had you ever seen ML808’s face during any of the chats?” Albert Cook, deputy attorney general, asked.

“No, I didn’t,” Fujitani replied.

The defense argues that Lewis never intended to hook up with an underage person for sex. Attorney Harrison Kiehm says his client drove into the Zippy’s parking lot, but quickly left without ever getting out of his car.

“Circled the whole lot, to the rear of Zippy’s, back up the side, went towards the front again, slowly drove past the front of Zippy’s, and then exited,” Fujitani described.

The 34-year-old is expected to testify in his own defense on Friday.

Navy employee gets 10 years for sexual abuse of minor in Okinawa

http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/sex-offender-sentenced-to-ten-years-in-prison-for-sexual-abuse-of-a-minor-first-military-extraterritorial-jurisdiction-act-case-on-guam-84515957.html

Sex Offender Sentenced to Ten Years in Prison for Sexual Abuse of a Minor: First Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act Case on Guam

HAGATNA, Guam, Feb. 16 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — Leonardo M. Rapadas, United States Attorney for the Districts of Guam and the Northern Marina Islands (NMI), announced that defendant Bruce Carey Wood, age 56, was sentenced today in the District Court of Guam by Chief Judge Frances Tydingco-Gatewood. Wood was remanded to the U.S. Marshal Service to await designation of a correctional facility. Wood received a sentence of 10 years in prison and three years supervised release, for sexual abuse of a minor, in violation of Title 18, United States Code Section 2243(a) & 3261(a). Wood was indicted on July 29, 2009 and entered a guilty plea on Oct. 5, 2009.

This case is the first Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act (MEJA) case prosecuted on Guam. Defendant Wood was employed as a civilian employee at Camp Shield Naval Base, Okinawa, Japan, when he knowingly engaged in a sexual act with a person who at that time was at least 12 but not yet 16, and at least four years younger than the defendant, between November 2000, and March 2008. The MEJA gives long arm jurisdiction to prosecute U.S. citizens outside the United States who commit criminal acts.

The case was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Rosetta San Nicolas and investigated by Special Agents Brandon McKinnon and Kay Ean of the U.S. Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) in Okinawa, Japan. Credit is also given to special agents of NCIS, Guam, and the Navy legal service offices in Guam and Okinawa, for their invaluable assistance. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children who conducted computer forensics is also credited.

U.S. Attorney Rapadas said, “This is proof that no one is beyond the law. MEJA allows us to reach out and prosecute U.S. citizens who commit crimes outside the United States.”

SOURCE U.S. Department of Justice

RELATED LINKS

http://www.justice.gov

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http://www.guampdn.com/article/20100217/NEWS01/2170319/Man-sentenced-for-abusing-teen

Man sentenced for abusing teen

By Laura Matthews • Pacific Daily News llmatthews@guampdn.com • February 17, 2010

A civilian employee at a U.S. military base in Okinawa was sentenced on Guam yesterday to 10 years in federal prison for sexually abusing — for years — a boy known to him.

Bruce Carey Wood, 57, was turned over to the U.S. Marshals Service after District Court of Guam Chief Judge Frances Tydingco-Gatewood accepted his guilty plea to sexual abuse of a minor.

Wood will be under three years of supervised release after he gets out of prison and is required to register as a sex offender thereafter.

“You have committed a crime against a young child and the court cannot ignore that,” Tydingco-Gatewood said.

The maximum sentence for such a crime is 15 years, court documents state.

Wood was arrested last July after the victim reported the abuse to Naval Criminal Investigation Services officers the same month.

According to court documents, the boy told the officers that Wood sexually abused him when he was almost 13 years old. The documents further state that between March 27, 2005 through and including March 26, 2008, Wood “knowingly” engaged in a sexual act with the boy.

Okinawa employee

Between those years, Wood was employed by the Armed Forces as a civilian employee for approximately 22 years at the Crow’s Nest Club aboard Camp Shield Naval Base in Okinawa, Japan, according to court documents.

Before he was sentenced, Wood apologized to his family who joined the proceeding via teleconference.

“I pray for the day that we can start over and become a family. I hope that you can forgive me … please remember I love you very much.”

Military hearing begins for soldier accused of killing contractor in Iraq

http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20100217/NEWS08/2170339/Soldier+s++mind+wasn+t+right+

Posted on: Wednesday, February 17, 2010

Soldier’s ‘mind wasn’t right’

Military hearing begins for specialist accused of killing American in Iraq

By William Cole

Advertiser Military Writer

WHEELER ARMY AIRFIELD — The attorney for a Schofield Barracks soldier accused of fatally shooting a civilian contractor in Iraq said yesterday that an Army mental fitness board found that the soldier likely experienced a “short psychotic episode.”

Spc. Beyshee O. Velez, 31, a medic and three-time Iraq war veteran, was days away from leaving the country when he allegedly shot civilian contractor Lucas “Trent” Vinson on Sept. 13, 2009, at Contingency Operating Base Speicher in Northern Iraq.

Vinson, 27, worked for Houston-based KBR at COB Speicher with his father, Myron “Bugsy” Vinson and an uncle. KBR provides troops with services such as housing, meals, mail delivery and laundry.

Vinson’s family previously told The Associated Press that he was shot three times after offering a ride to an American soldier who flagged down Vinson’s vehicle on the base.

Velez, with the 3rd Battalion, 7th Field Artillery Regiment, is charged with two counts of murder, three counts of assault and one count of fleeing apprehension.

An Article 32 hearing — similar to a civilian grand jury hearing — began yesterday at Wheeler Army Airfield.

Velez’s civilian attorney, Philip D. Cave, who is based out of Virginia, said he plans to challenge the Army mental health board’s findings. The board found Velez fit to stand trial, the Army said.

Cave did not specify what part of the three-member board’s ruling he will challenge, but he said he plans to request government funding to hire an expert forensic psychologist.

The board didn’t talk to “critical witnesses,” Cave said in court.

Prosecution attorney Capt. Samuel Gabremariam said Velez had an appreciation for the “wrongfulness” of his conduct.

Cave said the shooting occurred in an SUV. Witnesses testified yesterday that Velez then forced a driver out of a 15-passenger van that belonged to KBR and drove erratically at high speed around the sprawling base before getting stuck in a ditch.

The shooting occurred about 8:30 a.m. and a standoff with Velez lasted until about 8 p.m. as he blared the radio, chain-smoked cigarettes and put his M-4 rifle to his head in the van, witnesses and Army officials said.

Col. Thomas Wheatley, a chaplain, said his gut feeling was that Velez was going to kill himself.

“He said, ‘I’m a medic, I know how to do it,’ ” Wheatley said.

A friend of Velez, Spc. Leonel Garciapagan, talked to Velez and was finally able to remove the soldier’s rifle. Garciapagan said Velez was confused and was not aware of the shooting.

“He wasn’t aware of nothing,” Garciapagan said. “When he talked to me, I figured out his mind wasn’t right.”

Velez’s main concern was about a dream he had, Garciapagan said.

“He confused what really happened with his dream,” Garciapagan said. “He was talking about his dream.”

Garciapagan said Velez started acting strangely several days before the shooting, thinking there were wanted posters with his face and name around the base.

Garciapagan said he spent some time with Velez, but then was busy the next few days before the shooting.

“I tried to explain to him, ‘Don’t worry about it,’ ” Garciapagan said.

He said everyone was “stressed” at the time with last-minute preparations to leave Iraq.

The 3,500 soldiers of the 3rd “Bronco” Brigade returned from a year in Iraq in October and November.

Garciapagan described Velez as a “nice person. Real friendly. Disciplined” and not aggressive by nature.

Sgt. Joshua Austin, Velez’s squad leader, said Velez “was extremely reliable. He knew his job very well.”

Since entering the Army in 1999, Velez had received an Army commendation medal with valor, three Army commendation medals and four Army achievement medals, officials said.

Velez treated 20-year-old Pfc. Christopher W. Lotter for a horrific head wound after Lotter was shot by a sniper while standing in a vehicle on Dec. 30, 2008. Lotter subsequently died.

Other witnesses described Velez just before the shooting as being paranoid that helicopters and people were watching him, but his first sergeant said he had no knowledge of the strange behavior until after the shooting.

The hearing will continue today. An investigating officer will make a recommendation on what charges, if any, Velez will face at court-martial. A murder conviction carries a maximum sentence of life behind bars.

Reach William Cole at wcole@honoluluadvertiser.com.

Privatizing Women: Military Prostitution and the Iraq Occupation

This article is several years old, but it raises important issues about militarization and its impacts on women that are as relevant as ever today.   I have met Debra McNutt in meetings of anti-war  and demilitarization organizers.   Mahalo to Ann Wright for forwarding this article.

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http://www.counterpunch.org/mcnutt07112007.html

July 11, 2007

Military Prostitution and the Iraq Occupation

Privatizing Women

By DEBRA McNUTT

Military prostitution has long been seen around U.S. bases in the Philippines, South Korea, Thailand, and other countries. But since the U.S. has begun to deploy forces to many Muslim countries, it cannot be as open about enabling prostitution for its personnel. U.S. military deployments in the Gulf War, the Afghan War, and the Iraq War have reinvigorated prostitution and the trafficking of women in the Middle East.

Another major change has been the reliance of the U.S. military on private contractors, who have now surpassed the number of soldiers in Iraq. Public attention has begun to focus on the role of these contractors in U.S. war zones. Less attention has been paid to how private contractors are changing the nature of military prostitution. In the best known example, DynCorp employees were caught trafficking women in Bosnia, and some indications suggest that similar acts may be taking place in Iraq.

I am researching whether civilian contractors are enabling military sexual exploitation in Iraq, Afghanistan, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and other Muslim countries. My research is investigating new patterns of sexual exploitation of women by the U.S. for military purposes, and how institutionalized prostitution has changed as U.S. forces have been stationed in Muslim countries. I am especially interested in the possible role of civilian contractors in promoting prostitution of local women, or in importing foreign women into U.S. war zones under the guise of employment as cooks, maids or office workers.

I have come to this research as a feminist activist who has long worked on issues of women and militarism, influenced by women such as Cynthia Enloe, Katherine Moon, and Saralee Hamilton. I have organized against the sexual exploitation of Filipinas near U.S. military bases. More recently, I have worked on the related issues of sexual harassment and assault of women GIs within the U.S. military. I have also been actively opposed to the U.S. attacks on Iraq since the Gulf War.

During the brief Gulf War, the U.S. military prevented prostitution for its troops in Saudi Arabia, to avoid a backlash from its hosts. But on their return home, the troop ships stopped in Thailand for “R & R.” After the Gulf War, harsh economic sanctions forced many desperate Iraqi women into prostitution. The sex trade grew to such an extent that in 1999 Saddam ordered his paramilitary forces to crack down on it in Baghdad, resulting in the executions of many women.

The U.S. invasion of March 2003 brought prostitution back to Iraq within a matter of weeks. The Iraq War has now lasted eight times longer than the Gulf War deployments, and is marked by a huge reliance on private security contractors. A U.S. ban on human trafficking, signed by President Bush in January 2006, has not been applied to these contractors.

The rebirth of prostitution has generated fear that permeates all of Iraqi society. Families keep their girls inside, not only to keep them from being assaulted or killed, but to prevent them from being kidnapped by organized prostitution rings. Gangs are also forcing some families to sell their children into sex slavery. The war has created an enormous number of homeless girls and boys who are most vulnerable to the sex trade. It has also created thousands of refugee women who try to escape danger but end up (out of economic desperation) being prostituted in Jordan, Syria, Yemen or the UAE. Our occupation not only attacks women on the outside, but attacks them on the inside, until there is nothing left to destroy.

If foreign women are imported into Iraq for prostitution, they would almost certainly follow the already established channels of illegal labor trafficking, as documented in the Chicago Tribune series “Pipeline to Peril.” For example, independent journalist David Phinney has documented how a Kuwaiti contract company that imported workers to build the new U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad’s Green Zone also smuggled women into the construction site.

Within the Green Zone, a few brothels have been opened (disguised as a women’s shelter, hairdresser, or Chinese restaurant) but are usually closed by authorities after reports about their existence reach the media. The U.S. military claims that it officially forbids its troops to be involved in prostitution. But private contractors brag on sex websites that they have sometimes been able to find Iraqi or foreign women in Baghdad or around U.S. military bases. These highly paid security contractors have much disposable income, and are not held accountable to anyone but their companies.

One contractor employee living in the Green Zone reported in February 2007 that “it took me 4 months to get my connections. We have a PSD [Personal Security Detail] contact who brings us these Iraqi cuties.” Western contractors’ e-mails also suggest that some Chinese, Filipina, Iranian and Eastern European women may also be prostituted to Americans and other Westerners within Iraq. (Other reports indicate that Chinese women might also be prostituted in Afghanistan, Qatar, and other Muslim countries where it may be difficult for rings to find local women.)

On leave from Iraq in 2005, Army Reservist Patrick Lackatt said that “For one dollar you can get a prostitute for one hour.” But as the war has escalated in Baghdad and the other Arab regions of Iraq, it has become too dangerous for Westerners to move around outside of the military bases and the Green Zone. Contractors are now advising each other to do their “R & R” in the safer northern Kurdish region, or in the bars and hotels of Dubai, the UAE emirate that has become the most open center of prostitution in the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, any prostitution rings in Iraq have to go deeper underground to hide from Iraqi militias.

As observed by Sarah Mendelson in her 2005 Balkans report Barracks and Brothels, many U.S. government protocols and programs have been implemented to slow human trafficking, but without enforcement they end up merely as public relations exercises. Military officials often turn a blind eye to the exploitation of women by military and contract personnel, because they want to boost their men’s “morale.” The most effective way for the military to prevent a public backlash is to make sure that the embarrassing information is not revealed. It is not necessary to cover up information if it does not come out in the first place.

It has been difficult for me (and other researchers and journalists) to get to the bottom of this crisis. In his book Imperial Life in the Emerald City, Rajiv Chandrasekaran observed, “There were prostitutes in Baghdad, but you couldn’t drive into a town to get laid like in Saigon.” The question of who is behind the trafficking of people is as hard to crack as the trafficking of drugs (if not more so). It is difficult enough to track the widespread illegal trafficking of workers to Iraq. But the trafficking of Iraqi or foreign women for prostitution is even better concealed. The prostitution rings keep their tracks well hidden, and it is not in the interest of the military or its private contractors to reveal any information that may damage the war effort.

The fact that information is difficult to find, however, is a reason to intensify the search, and to make military prostitution a major issues of the women’s and antiwar movements. It is our tax dollars that fuel the war in Iraq, and if any women are exploited as a result of the occupation, we owe it to them to take responsibility for these crimes.

I am currently writing a larger report on my findings, and am seeking any input from researchers and journalists, military veterans, private contract employees, exiles and refugees, or former prostituted women who may shed light on military prostitution in the Middle East, and the role of the military and its private contractors.

My ultimate purpose is doing this research is not only to help expose these crimes against women, but to help build a movement to stop them. Missing from the discussions about Iraqi women’s rights is how the U.S. occupation is creating new oppressions that destroy women’s self-worth. It is our responsibility as Americans to stop our military’s abuses of women, by ending the occupation.

Debra McNutt is a feminist and antiwar activist and researcher living in Olympia, Washington. She can be contacted at debimcnutt@gmail.com

Two soldiers and woman accused of attempted murder in Kalihi beating

http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20100202/BREAKING01/100202078/Trio+indicted+for+attempted+murder+in+Kalihi+beating+case

Updated at 7:57 p.m., Tuesday, February 2, 2010

Trio indicted for attempted murder in Kalihi beating case

Advertiser Staff

An O’ahu grand jury on Tuesday indicted two Schofield Barracks soldiers and a Liliha woman with plotting to kill a 25-year-old man and then dispose of his body.

Ramon A. Alcantara, 25, Ray N. Puga, 20, and Hazel K.R. Davis, 18, each were indicted on one count of second-degree attempted murder in connection with the case. Bail for each was set at $1 million.

Tuesday’s indictments supercede earlier charges against the trio.

Alcantara and Puga were identified in a police affidavit as enlisted men stationed at Schofield Barracks. Davis gave a North Kuakini Street address as her residence.

The three are accused of beating Jose Abrante with a hammer and stabbing him with a knife on the night of Jan. 24 near Lanakila Elementary School in Kalihi. Abrante was critically injured, but he was able to identify his assailants to police, according to the affidavit.

Former Schofield soldier charged with murder of Nevada woman

http://www.desertdispatch.com/news/victorville-7755-barstow-woman.html

Soldiers to stand trial for killing of Barstow woman

January 25, 2010 3:33 PM

By DAVID HELDRETH, staff writer

VICTORVILLE • A pair of soldiers accused of killing a 29-year-old Barstow woman during an apparent robbery in September will stand trial for murder.

Judge Eric Nakata found Monday that the prosecution provided enough evidence to continue with a jury trial for Melvin Satcher, 23, of Barstow and Phillip Franke, 22, of Las Vegas. Satcher and Franke are being charged with murder for the shooting death of Sandi Lee Duncan, an ex soldier.

Duncan’s body was found in the open desert southeast of the intersection of Dale Evans Parkway and Stoddard Wells Road in Apple Valley on Sept. 21. Deputy District Attorney Jill Gregory said that although Franke and Phillip have only been charged with murder, additional charges can be filed before their arraignment on February 3. The pair face 25 years to life if they are convicted of first degree murder.

Gregory called Det. Neal Rodriguez early in the preliminary hearing Monday. Rodriguez testified that Satcher told him that he was friends with Duncan, and he had last seen her on the morning of Sept. 21.

Det. Scott Landen testified that after Franke was in custody he admitted that he drove Duncan to the location where her body was found and witnessed her murder. Franke said that Satcher, Duncan and two unidentified friends of Satcher’s were driving to Los Angeles when they pulled off of Interstate 15 at Dale Evans Parkway to use the bathroom, Landen testified. Franke then took a dirt road into desert area and one of the unidentified men, who was sitting behind Duncan, began to choke her with a piece of fabric. Franke claimed he got out of the car and walked around, but got back into the car after Satcher pulled Duncan out of the front passenger seat.

Landen said that Franke told him that he saw Satcher stand over Duncan and shoot her twice.

Franke told Landen that Duncan had $400 on her. Franke received $40 for gas and the group split the remaining money, according to Landen.

Satchel’s defense attorney, Ron Powell, questioned Landen about the other possible suspects and whether Duncan could have died from strangulation. Landen said that although Duncan’s body did show signs of strangulation, the coroner said she was still alive when she was shot. Landen also said he couldn’t prove or disprove that there were other people involved in the killing.

Rodriguez testified that the tread from tires on Franke’s car appeared to match tire tracks found near Duncan’s body.

Duncan had been stationed at Fort Irwin, but was medically discharged in December of 2006 after being injured on duty, Fort Irwin spokesman John Wagstaffe said in October.

Satcher was a member of the 11th Armored Calvary Regiment at Fort Irwin and was court-martialed from the Army in September of 2008 for criminal activity, according to Wagstaffe. Wagstaffe said that Satcher then served a prison sentence at the Naval Consolidated Brig Miramar, near San Diego, for being absent without leave, escaping from confinement and use of marijuana, cocaine and methamphetamines. He was released from Miramar on June 15 and returned to Barstow.

Franke was stationed at Schofield Barracks in Hawaii before being court-martialed for possession, distribution and use of marijuana, cocaine, methamphetamines and Ecstasy in December of 2008, according to Wagstaffe. Franke also served his prison sentence at the Naval Consolidated Brig Miramar and was released on June 29 and returned to Las Vegas.

Wagstaffe said that Franke and Satcher were still technically in the military because they couldn’t be discharged until their prison terms were served. They were being processed for dishonorable discharges when they were arrested for Duncan’s killing. Fort Irwin spokesman Etric Smith said he couldn’t confirm Monday afternoon whether or not Franke and Satcher had officially been discharged.

Satcher and Franke are currently being held at the West Valley Detention Center in Rancho Cucamonga on $1 million bail.

Contact the writer:

(760) 256-4126 or dheldreth@desertdispatch.com

A Peril in War Zones: Sexual Abuse by Fellow G.I.’s

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/28/us/28women.html

Women at Arms

A Peril in War Zones: Sexual Abuse by Fellow G.I.’s

By STEVEN LEE MYERS

Published: December 27, 2009

BAGHDAD — Capt. Margaret H. White began a relationship with a warrant officer while both were training to be deployed to Iraq. By the time they arrived this year at Camp Taji, north of here, she felt what she called “creepy vibes” and tried to break it off.

Moises Saman for The New York Times

Specialist Erica A. Beck, a mechanic and gunner who served in in Iraq, recalled a sexual proposition she called “inappropriate.” She did not report it, she said, because she feared that her commanders would have reacted harshly — toward her.

Women at Arms

A Trust BetrayedArticles in this series explore how the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have profoundly redefined the role of women in the military.

Previous Articles in the Series »

Johan Spanner for The New York Times

Capt. Margaret H. White said she was sexually assaulted and harassed by a fellow soldier while serving in Iraq.

In the claustrophobic confines of a combat post, it was not easy to do. He left notes on the door to her quarters, alternately pleading and menacing. He forced her to have sex, she said. He asked her to marry him, though he was already married. He waited for her outside the women’s latrines or her quarters, once for three hours.

“It got to the point that I felt safer outside the wire,” Captain White said, referring to operations that take soldiers off their heavily fortified bases, “than I did taking a shower.”

Her ordeal ended with the military equivalent of a restraining order and charges of stalking against the officer. It is one case that highlights the new and often messy reality the military has had to face as men and women serve side by side in combat zones more than ever before.

Sexual harassment and sexual assault, which the military now defines broadly to include not only rape but also crimes like groping and stalking, continue to afflict the ranks, and by some measures are rising. While tens of thousands of women have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, often in combat, often with distinction, the integration of men and women in places like Camp Taji has forced to the surface issues that commanders rarely, if ever confronted before.

The military — belatedly, critics say — has radically changed the way it handles sexual abuse in particular, expanding access to treatment and toughening rules for prosecution. In the hardships of war, though, the effects of the changes remain unclear.

The strains of combat, close quarters in remote locations, tension and even boredom can create the conditions for abuse, even as they hinder medical care for victims and legal proceedings against those who attack them.

Captain White said she had feared coming forward, despite having become increasingly despondent and suffered panic attacks, because she was wary of she-said-he-said recriminations that would reverberate through the tightknit military world and disrupt the mission. Despite the military’s stated “zero tolerance” for abuse or harassment, she had no confidence her case would be taken seriously and so tried to cope on her own, Captain White said.

A Pentagon-appointed task force, in a report released this month, pointedly criticized the military’s efforts to prevent sexual abuse, citing the “unique stresses” of deployments in places like Camp Taji. “Some military personnel indicated that predators may believe they will not be held accountable for their misconduct during deployment because commanders’ focus on the mission overshadows other concerns,” the report said.

That, among other reasons, is why sexual assault and harassment go unreported far more often than not. “You’re in the middle of a war zone,” Captain White said, reflecting a fear many military women describe of being seen, somehow, as harming the mission.

“So it’s kind of like that one little thing is nothing compared with ‘There is an I.E.D. that went off in this convoy today and three people were injured,’ ” she said, referring to an improvised explosive device.

Common Fears

By the Pentagon’s own estimate, as few as 10 percent of sexual assaults are reported, far lower than the percentage reported in the civilian world. Specialist Erica A. Beck, a mechanic and gunner who served in Diyala Province in Iraq this summer, recalled a sexual proposition she called “inappropriate” during her first tour in the country in 2006-7. “Not necessarily being vulgar, but he, you know, was asking for favors,” she said.

She did not report it, she said, because she feared that her commanders would have reacted harshly — toward her.

“It was harassment,” she said. “And because it was a warrant officer, I didn’t say anything. I was just a private.”

Her fears were common, according to soldiers and advocates who remain skeptical of the military’s efforts to address abuse. A report last year by the Government Accountability Office concluded that victims were reluctant to report attacks “for a variety of reasons, including the belief that nothing would be done or that reporting an incident would negatively impact their careers.”

When Sgt. Tracey R. Phillips told a superior about an unwanted sexual advance from a private the night their unit arrived in Iraq in May, the accusations unleashed a flurry of charges and countercharges, an initial investigation of her on charges of adultery, a crime in the military justice system, and, according to her account, violations by her commanders of the new procedures meant to ease reporting of abuse.

In the end, she was kicked out of Iraq and the Army itself, while the private remained on duty here.

The military disputed her account but declined to state the reasons for sending her out of Iraq. Her paperwork showed that she received an honorable discharge, though with “serious misconduct” cited as the reason. The so-called misconduct, she said, stemmed from the Army’s allegation that she had had an inappropriate relationship with the private she accused. She denied that.

“If I would have never, ever, ever said anything, I wouldn’t be sitting here,” she said in an interview at her parents’ home near San Antonio. “I’d still be in Iraq.”

At bases around Iraq, many said that acceptance and respect for women in uniform were now more common than the opposite. In part, they said, that reflects a sweeping change in military culture that has accompanied the rise of women through the ranks and into more positions once reserved for men.

“It’s not tolerated — it’s just not,” said Lt. Brenda L. Beegle, a married military police officer, referring to sexual harassment and abuse.

In an interview at Liberty Base, near Baghdad’s airport, she said: “Everyone has heard stories about bad things that have happened. I’ve never had an issue.”

Although exact comparisons to the civilian world are difficult because of different methods of defining and reporting abuse, Pentagon officials and some experts say that the incidence of abuse in the military appears to be no higher than in society generally, and might be lower. It appears to be even lower in combat operations than at bases in the United States, because of stricter discipline and scrutiny during deployments, as well as restrictions on alcohol, which is often a factor in assaults, for example, on college campuses.

Complaints Increase

The number of complaints, though, is rising. Across the military, there were 2,908 reported cases of sexual abuse involving service members as victims or assailants, in the fiscal year that ended in September 2008, the last year for which the Pentagon made numbers available. That was an 8 percent increase from the previous year, when there were 2,688.

In the turbulent regions from Egypt to Afghanistan where most American combat troops are now deployed, the increase in reported cases was even sharper: 251 cases, compared with 174 the year before, a 44 percent increase. The number in Iraq rose to 143, from 112 the year before. Everyone agrees that those represent only a fraction of the instances of assault, let alone harassment.

“A woman in the military is more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire in Iraq,” Representative Jane Harman, a Democrat from California, said at a Congressional hearing this year, repeating an assertion she has made a refrain in a campaign of hers to force the military to do more to address abuses.

At least 10 percent of the victims in the last year were men, a reality that the Pentagon’s task force said the armed services had done practically nothing to address in terms of counseling, treatment and prosecution. Men are considered even less likely to report attacks, officials said, because of the stigma, and fears that their own sexual orientation would be questioned. In the majority of the reported cases, the attacker was male.

Senior Pentagon officials argued that the increase in reports did not necessarily signify a higher number of attacks. Rather, they said, there is now a greater awareness as well as an improved command climate, encouraging more victims to come forward.

“We believe the increase in the number of reported cases means the department is capturing a greater proportion of the cases that occurred during the year, which is good news,” said the Pentagon’s senior official overseeing abuse policies, Kaye Whitley.

The military can no more eradicate sexual abuse than can society in general, but soldiers, officers and experts acknowledge that it is particularly harmful when soldiers are in combat zones, affecting not only the victims but also, as the military relies more than ever on women when the nation goes to war, the mission.

“For the military the potential costs are even higher as it can also negatively impact mission readiness,” the Pentagon’s annual report on sexual abuse said, referring to sexual violence. “Service members risk their lives for one another and bear the responsibility of keeping fellow service members out of harm’s way. Sexual assault in the military breaks this bond.”

Even investigations into accusations, which are often difficult to prove, can disrupt operations. In Sergeant Phillips’s case, she was relieved of her duties leading a squad of soldiers refueling emergency rescue helicopters and other aircraft at Camp Kalsu, south of Baghdad.

Cases like hers suggest that the vagaries of sex and sexual abuse, especially in combat zones, continue to vex commanders on the ground, despite the transformation of the military’s policies.

The majority of sexual abuse allegations end with no prosecution at all. Of 2,171 suspects of investigations that were completed during the fiscal year that ended in September 2008, only 317 faced a court-martial. Another 515 faced administrative punishments or discharges. Nearly half of the completed investigations lacked evidence or were “unsubstantiated or unfounded.”

The Pentagon, facing criticism, maintains that it has transformed the way it handles sexual abuse. In the wake of the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as highly publicized cases and revelations of rampant abuse at the Air Force Academy in 2003, the Pentagon created a single agency to oversee the issue and rewrote the rules of reporting, treatment and prosecution. Beginning in October 2007, the Uniform Code of Military Justice expanded the provision that once covered rape — Article 120 — to include other offenses, like indecent exposure and stalking.

The Army, which has provided the bulk of the forces in Iraq, has increased the number of investigators and lawyers trained to investigate accusations. Most bases now have kits to collect forensic evidence in rape cases, which was not the case immediately after the invasion in 2003.

Larger field hospitals in Balad and Mosul now have the same type of sexual assault nurse examiners widely used in the civilian world, as well as a dozen other examiners who are not nurses but are trained to conduct forensic examinations.

The military has set up a system of confidential advisers women can turn to who are outside the usual chain of command — an avenue Sergeant Phillips said she had been denied.

If they want to, the women can now seek medical treatment and counseling without setting off a criminal investigation. And all the services have started educational programs to address aspects of a hierarchical warrior culture that some say contributes to hostility toward women. Posters for the campaign blanket bulletin boards in offices, chow halls and recreational buildings on bases across Iraq.

The military’s efforts, however well intentioned, are often undermined by commanders who are skeptical or even conflicted, suspicious of accusations and fearful that reports of abuse reflect badly on their commands. The Pentagon task force also reported that victims of assault did not come forward because they might “have engaged in misconduct for which they could be disciplined, such as under-age drinking, fraternization or adultery.”

Marti Ribeiro, then an Air Force sergeant, said she was raped by another soldier after she stepped away from a guard post in Afghanistan in 2006 to smoke a cigarette, a story first recounted in “The Lonely Soldier,” a book by Helen Benedictabout women who served in Iraq and elsewhere. When she went to the abuse coordinator, she was threatened with prosecution for having left her weapon and her post.

“I didn’t get any help at all, let alone compassion,” said Ms. Ribeiro, who has since retired and joined the Service Women’s Action Network, a new advocacy organization devoted to shaping the Pentagon’s policy.

The hardships of combat operations often compound the anguish of victims and complicate investigations, as well as counseling and treatment. The Government Accountability Office suggested that the “unique living and social circumstances” of combat posts heightened the risk for assault. Both the G.A.O. and the Pentagon’s task force found that, despite the Pentagon’s policy, remote bases did not have adequate medical and mental health services for victims. The task force also found that abuse coordinators and victim advocates were often ill trained or absent.

As a result, victims often suffer the consequences alone, working in the heat and dust, living in trailers surrounded by gravel and concrete blast walls, with nowhere private to retreat to. In Captain White’s case, she had to work and live beside the man who assaulted and stalked her until their deployment ended in August and they both went home.

“You’re in such a fishbowl,” she said. “You can’t really get away from someone. You see him in the chow hall. You see him in the gym.”

The Danger Nearby

Captain White’s case is typical of many here, according to military lawyers and experts, in that she knew the man she said assaulted her, circumstances that complicated the investigation and prosecution.

She had dated the warrant officer when they arrived in Fort Dix, N.J., for predeployment training with the 56th Stryker Combat Team. The newly revised article of the Uniform Code of Military Justice says that “a current or previous dating relationship by itself” does not constitute consent.

Once at Camp Taji, a sprawling base just north of Baghdad, she grew troubled by his behavior. He cajoled her with presents and sent her e-mail messages. She said that for fear of running into him, she stopped drinking water after 7 p.m. so she would not have to go to the latrine at night alone.

She never came forward herself. Her case came to light only when military prosecutors questioned her about another investigation involving the warrant officer. He was ultimately charged with 19 offenses, said Lt. Col. Philip J. Smith, a spokesman for the division that oversaw operations in central Iraq. The charges included seven counts of fraternization and two of adultery, interfering with an investigation and, in Captain White’s case, stalking.

After their deployment ended in September, the officer pleaded guilty and resigned from the Army in lieu of prosecution, Colonel Smith said.

Captain White said that she was satisfied with the legal outcome of her case, though her account of it highlighted the emotional strains that sexual abuse causes.

“I’m not saying that I handled it the best way,” she said in an interview after her own retirement from the Army, “but I handled it at the time and in the situation what I thought was the best way, which was just to keep my head down, keep going — which was kind of an Army thing to say: Drive on.”

Kassie Bracken contributed reporting from San Antonio and Houston.